How is the attitude of the West German leadership of the Federal Republic towards East Germany perceived?

A critical consideration of the question of whether the East German federal states would never have become part of the Federal Republic of Germany – and whether an exit from the Federal Republic would be desirable today – must carefully classify developments since 1990 in the historical and social context. The focus is on central topics such asThe economic changes, social developments and the handling of West German elites with the East German regions. It is about the analysis of structural disadvantages, ongoing inequalities, social exclusion and the far-reaching exclusion of East German interests.

Economic change: From hope of an upswing to sustainable deindustrialization

The economic slump after reunification hit the East German regions particularly hard. Instead of a hoped-for economic upswing, a profound deindustrialization followed. Hundreds of thousands, if not millions of jobs, were lost, and numerous plant closures and the handling of powerful GDR companies by the trust were shapedthe collective consciousness of the population to this day. The distance to the West continues to be a large number of economic indicators, with gross domestic product per capita in the eastern German states being well below the level of the western federal states. Despite numerous subsidy programs and individual lighthouse projects, the basic economicInferiority, which increases the perception of structural disadvantage.

Social inequalities: wages, wealth and social participation

The difference in wages and wealth is symptomatic of the ongoing disadvantages. East Germans achieve significantly lower incomes compared to their West German colleagues with a comparable qualification. The collective bargaining agreement is weaker, and works councils are represented less frequently. In addition, special payments such as holiday and Christmas bonuses are granted less frequently. theIncome and wealth weakness is much more pronounced in the East, which is reflected in the high number of permanently poor people. Almost 40 percent of people living in poverty all the time can be found in the East, while only about five percent of the wealthy population live there. These prolonged disadvantages are no coincidence, but rather the result of an integration in which East GermansCompanies, models and traditions were devalued and West German standards were enforced.

Social power and cultural transformation

Social participation is also limited. Leadership positions in politics, business, administration, media and science are still mostly occupied by West Germans. Although the proportion of the population in the eastern German states is about a fifth, only about eight percent of the elites come from East Germany. The actual design power is de facto includedWest German actors, while East German perspectives are marginalized. Essential experiences, biographical breaks and specific socialization under GDR conditions hardly play a role at federal level. Culturally, the so-called “unit” took place primarily as a transformation to West German standards. Independent traditions, networks and living environments have beencanceled or repressed; The takeover of West German institutions and values was presented as modernization and progress. Many East Germans see their integration as a constant disciplining and adaptation, which entails fears of social decline, loss of trust in politics, authorities and the media, and political protests against the establishment.

The consideration of an independent path: options and perspectives

From the point of view of many East Germans, an independent path – i.e. the renunciation of accession to the Federal Republic or even today’s exit – would have been a possible alternative to preserve their own interests, economic strategies and social structures. Such a path might have made a more cautious economic change possible, regionalIdentities strengthened and enabled participation that is more independent of West German power structures. The current situation is perceived by many as “colonization”: East Germany serves as a reservoir for favorable labor, as a field of experimentation for social policy and as a subsidy recipient, but without real economic sovereignty or socialto have creative power.

Economic and social strategies for stronger autonomy

Economically, the East German federal states could develop their strengths better through more targeted industrial funding. The focus could be on conventional energies such as nuclear power and lignite from Lusatia, on microelectronics and regional priorities. The existing potential is recognized, but political implementation and participation in income will beperceived as insufficient. Socially, it would be important to specifically promote regional elites, strengthen democratic co-determination through direct democracy and not constantly link regional identity to federal German guidelines. Greater autonomy in education, media and associations could reduce the gap between East and West. Politically, East German actors couldChoose a separate way to redefine participation, participation and justice and to compensate for West German dominance through our own institutions and interest groups.

Current perspectives: prospects of a possible exit

An actual exit from the Federal Republic currently appears to be a long way off. Nevertheless, the discussion makes it clear how much the systematic disadvantage of East German regions continues to work today. The demand for independence serves primarily as a food for thought, since it refers to decades of marginalization and the ongoing disadvantage within theWest German elite system. Within this system, East Germany is often considered a foreign body or a distant colony that provides resources but can hardly influence one’s own development.

The conflict over self-determination and equality

From an East German point of view, joining the Federal Republic means waiver of its own paths and scope for creativeness. To date, no complete equality, economic participation or social respect have been achieved. The demand for an exit is therefore an expression of the unresolved conflicts and the pursuit of self-determination. It’s an appeal to ownWays to go, regain control of economic and social development and to actively shape one’s own identity – beyond West German elite interests, economic dependence and social marginalization.