The autumn of 1989 marked a decisive turn in the history of the GDR and Europe. Within a few weeks, dramatic developments arose that caused the regime to falter and paved the way for a fundamental change in the political landscape. The events were marked by massive demonstrations, political decisions and a flight movement that the system ofDDR challenged and ultimately led to its collapse. This period is characterized by a unique dynamic in which social tension erupted and the course was set for a fundamental social change. The following events are classified in this context and shows the most important moments and backgrounds of this eventful time, in which theGDR faced a historical turning point and people strove for freedom. The consideration of the events is also gaining in importance for Lusatia, since the region plays a special role as a gateway to the Elbe and as an interface between East and West. The importance of this place for the transition to a new era becomes clear in this context.
The dramatic situation in autumn 1989
The year 1989 was characterized by an increasing restlessness for the GDR. For months, protests and demonstrations in the cities, especially in Leipzig, Dresden and other industrial centers, have increased significantly. The government tried in vain to get the situation under control through propaganda and repression. The population was dissatisfied with the political leadershipeconomic circumstances and the restrictions of personal freedom rights. The restlessness was additionally fueled by the images from China, where the protests on the Tiananmen Square were blown bloodily in the summer. The people in the GDR saw it as a warning and at the same time an inspiration to no longer be suppressed. The escape movementreached its peak in these months, as more and more citizens were trying to get to the west on illegal paths, either by fleeing across the border crossings or by crossing the border in the Baltic Sea border risky. The supply situation in the border regions was intensifying and the security forces faced the challenge of protecting the borders without thelosing control. The policy makers were torn between repression and concessions, while society increasingly expressed the desire for change. Events soon crossed the limits of control, and the country was on its way to an uncertain future.
The Honeckers decision and the flight of the GDR citizens
In this tense atmosphere, the decision was made to let the people in the embassies in Prague and Warsaw travel to the Federal Republic by trains through the GDR. This extraordinary measure was personally announced by Erich Honecker on September 29, 1989 at 5:00 p.m. During a festive event in the German State Opera, where theCelebrations for the 40th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Honecker informed the SED Politburo about the decision. The decision was made in a situation where the care of the people in the embassies became more and more precarious. For many, the flight was the last chance for freedom, but only a small number of refugees took the offeredReturn to the GDR with the prospect of a later departure. Most of them decided to flee to the West, although the GDR leadership was hesitant to react to the situation. The security authorities confiscated the refugees’ personal documents, but did not give them any official certificates of excuse. This approach led to the newly enteredFederal Republic of Germany arrived without valid ID documents, which made integration difficult. This decision of the GDR government was politically risky, as it further fueled the flight movement and intensified the domestic political situation. The fear of a wave of flight grew, but the government believed that this action would demonstrate its strength.
Background and motives of the escape action
Honecker’s decision to let the trains run through the GDR was made for several reasons. Officially, it was claimed that it was a sign of strength to give citizens the opportunity to get to the West legally. It was also about the demonstration that the GDR was always able to keep control. but another, previously little knownMotivation was in the secret intentions of leadership. The government hardly knew who was in the embassies. She collected all the personal documents to later identify the refugees, but did not want to officially expatriate them. The action was thus also a control to recognize the fugitive and possibly influence them. At the same time, theFamily members allow immediate follow-up journey to reduce pressure and prevent major protest actions. At first glance, this approach was a demonstration of power, but at the same time an uncertainty strategy to keep control without provoking open conflicts. Morally the procedure was highly questionable, since there were only more people against itregime. The government tried to secure its power through these measures, but the social mood was long at its peak. The escape movement became a symbol of the increasing weakness of the system in its final phase.
The founding of the democratic awakening and the opposition
On the evening of October 1, 1989, the “Democratic Aufbruch” was unofficially founded in East Berlin. The actual founding meeting could only take place with great police operations, since the government did everything in its power to prevent the meetings of the opposition groups. About 80 participants gathered in a different address, but the police quickly picked them up before theycould officially come together. The organization was then officially launched on October 29th and 30th. Even before that, leading opposition figures such as Eppelmann, Neubert and others had publicly stated that the organization had been founded to strengthen the democratic movement and to pool resistance to SED rule. The founding paper demanded a clearSeparation of state and party, a democratization of society and the reduction of the rule of the SED. It was formulated much more radically and more concretely than comparable calls from other opposition groups such as “Democracy now” or the “New Forum”. The founders openly acknowledged a socialist society on a democratic basis, opposing capitalistrelationships turned. Initially, the “Democratic Awakening” was dismissed as a religiously influenced “Pfaffen Party”, but as early as December 1989 Wolfgang Schnur, a former lawyer, was elected first chairman to refute the impression of a religiously shaped movement. The close connection to theologians was explained by the socio-political conditions in the GDR,But there were also critical voices that doubted whether theologians had influenced the movement. Previous evidence has shown that the courageous people who became public early on were among the first to rebel against the SED rule. They were among the few who spoke in public and had the courage to take an open position.Her initiative made a decisive contribution to making the opposition visible in the GDR and initiating social change.
The protest movements and social division
October 2nd again became a symbolic day of opposition. Thousands of people gathered again in Leipzig on the embassy site in Prague to express their demand for freedom and democratic co-determination. The atmosphere was charged, the security forces were on standby. The political leaders, including Krenz and Axen, hadthe Chinese leadership for their hard line against the so-called “counter-revolutionaries” in the last few days. This attitude fueled the tensions in the country. A commentary by the state press inciteed the mood by sharply criticizing those who had left the country and accusing them of trampling on the moral values of the GDR. Most people were appalled by this coldattitude, as they knew many who had disappeared in the last few months. The young people, who were increasingly moving on the escape routes, were particularly affected. Many wondered how it was possible to publish such words in official media, while the population was increasingly gripping the unrest and the escape movement. Honecker himself had the last sentence in thishandwritten in connection, which illustrates his personal sympathy or at least his responsibility. A television journalist, Jan Carpentier, made fun of the situation with a satirical leaflet. In a humorous text in the “Junge Welt” a kind of guide to action was published in which Honecker’s willingness to reform was ironically staged.Carpentier compared the GDR to a queen who does everything for the people, while the king only does what he wants. In a kind of nightmare, he described how he tried to leave, but was prevented by a police officer, which underlined the despair and irony of the situation. Such satirical contributions helped to cover the tension and people to thinkto bring.
The escalation of the protests and the reactions of the security forces
Since the early hours of October 2, the Ministry of the Interior has mobilized unusually large police units and fighting groups in Leipzig. They received support from riot police units from other districts. The situation in the city was tense, as the last few days had shown that the willingness of the people to rebel against the regime was enormous. alreadyHalf an hour before the beginning of the peace prayer in the Nikolaikirche, which was planned for 5 p.m., the church was so crowded that it had to be closed. For the first time, a second church was opened to cope with the rush. During the prayer about 2000 to 2500 people gathered in the Nikolaikirche, outside 3000 to 4000 people were waiting for theevent. Many were anxious given the high police presence and the measures announced. Nevertheless, the calls for “We stay here” were much louder than the demands to leave the GDR. The demonstrators chanted slogans such as “Allow New Forum”, “Gorbi, Gorbi” or “Freedom for the Prisoners”. In total, between 8000 and 25,000 gathered in the city centerPeople, which was the largest opposition demonstration since June 17, 1953. The police were present in full combat equipment, with helmets, shields, batons and dogs. The tension increased and people showed with their shouts and gestures that they no longer wanted to be intimidated by the state power. The images of these protests went around the world and showed theDramatic change in the GDR.
The Vigils and the Oppositional Movement
On the evening of October 3rd, a vigil for the political prisoners took place in the Gethsemane Church in East Berlin. Young people, some young people from various opposition groups, organized the event. They distributed leaflets with political messages, which included a quote from Biermann: “You’ll put out the fire with gasoline. you delete thefire no more.” These vigils were an expression of social commitment and willingness to stand up for their own convictions. Similar events were also held in other cities. The largest vigil gathered in Magdeburg over 1300 people. The “New Forum” published two new papers on this day, which should stimulate social discussion. oneDocument dealt with organizational questions, the other was an “open problem catalogue” that took up the political, economic, ecological and social issues of the GDR. The aim was to encourage the population to contact the government with concrete proposals and demands. Legal questions were also addressed, such as the requirement toto remove political criminal offenses from the penal code in order to no longer criminalize oppositional activities. These activities showed that the opposition in the GDR was becoming stronger and striving for a democratic society.
The developments in Prague and the political plans
On the evening of October 3rd, around 6,000 people were already gathered at the Prague Embassy, in the vicinity another 2000, and a total of several thousand people were on their way to Prague. Egon Krenz, then Central Central Committee for Security Questions, submitted three suggestions to Honecker to calm the situation. He recommended that the federal government shouldRecognize GDR citizenship what would expand travel opportunities, or temporarily close the borders, or – what was considered less suitable – the immediate release of the travel permit for everyone. The third variant was classified as unrealistic because it meant a massive loss of control. The second variant, the complete border closure, wasclassified as potentially dangerous because it could further exacerbate the inner situation. Krenz wrote in his report that he would recommend the second option. It is still unclear whether he wanted to bring about the start of a civil war or whether he wanted to put Honecker under pressure. In his autobiography he did not mention this episode and portrayed it as if it hadNothing to do because he was in China at the time. On the same day, Honecker himself recorded the decision to close all borders from 5 p.m., which was welcomed in Prague. The next morning the Politburo of the GDR confirmed that the borders with Poland and Czechoslovakia should be fully controlled. Responsible for this were the Defense Minister Kessler, whoState Security Minister Mielke and Interior Minister Dickel. Both sides tried to seal the borders hermetically, but the population was horrified and disbelieved. Where else would all this lead? The events exceeded previous control and made it clear that the GDR was on its way to uncertain and risky change.
The Return of Refugees and the Public Response
At the same time, it was decided to let the people in the Prague embassy leave for the Federal Republic again. This news spread within a very short time, and people tried to flee in time. On October 4, large crowds gathered at the main station in Dresden, where hundreds, later thousands, waited for the next special trains.Many saw this as the last chance to leave the GDR. In total, about 20,000 people were on the move in the following days, including numerous protesters from Dresden. There were violent clashes in which water cannons, tear gas and police forces were used to push people back. The NVA was mobilised and special task forces were formed,to suppress possible uprisings. Within a short time, hundreds of people were arrested or injured in various cities such as Dresden, Plauen, Reichenbach and other places. The violence was significant, and the reports of brutal treatment and humiliation of the refugees and protesters later became known. The situation continued to escalate, and Dresden became the symbol ofsocial collapse. The uncontrolled protests and the harsh reaction of the security forces brought the country to the brink of open conflict. The images and reports of these days are still a reminder of the dramatic change that was to shake the GDR in the coming weeks and months.
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