The renaissance of authoritarian and the complexity of social challenges

The historical consideration of educational practices and political currents reveals a fascinating parallelism between private family coexistence and macroscopic developments in global society. For decades, authoritarian structures not only shaped the interaction between parents and children, but also created a social foundation thatTimes of economic and social upheavals are always prone to revival of rigid claims of power. This article examines the deep-rooted mechanisms through which simple, often violent solutions in education find their correspondence in modern politics, where complex systemic crises are incorrectly answered with the call for a strong hand. it willClearly, the longing for clear, if undemocratic, answers, both in the living room and in the polling station, grows out of similar psychological and socio-economic insecurities.

The historical development of parental right to bring up children

Until well into the 1970s, it was common in many households for parents to call their offspring to order with militarily-looking commands and direct threats of corporal punishment. Not every one of these paramilitary appeals actually followed the threatened slap in the face, which was falsely considered harmless by many contemporariesaction was defended that has not harmed anyone. However, it took a long social learning process until nineteen hundred eighty people finally removed the outdated concept of parental authority from the Civil Code and replaced by the much more responsible terminus of parental care. Only with the entry into the new millennium,Specifically in November of the year two thousand, legal guardians were legally and irrevocably prohibited from using any form of physical violence. Since this historical turning point, children have an inviolable right to a non-violent upbringing, with physical punishments, mental injuries and all other degrading measures being absolutely inadmissible.apply.

The discrepancy between legal ideal and educational reality

Although about ninety percent of all legal guardians recognize this legal ban today as a reasonable and desirable ideal, there is a significant gap in practical implementation. After all, almost half of the respondents still find it understandable and permissible to a certain extent if they occasionally slip their hands under the stress of everyday life. above thatIn addition, a stubborn proportion of twenty percent of strictly authoritarian educational models holds and expressly justifies this attitude. According to relevant investigations by child protection organizations, slight physical chastisements or slaps on the buttocks of this group are still considered as sensible and necessary educational measures.

The connection between family authority and political authoritarianism

This persistent longing for authoritarian structures in the private sphere is notably related to the current crisis of the capitalist economic system. A clear and disturbing renaissance of authoritarian management styles has also been observed on the political stage in recent years. Appearances such as the Turkish President or theHungarian heads of government can still be partially understood against the background of the democratic and economic developmental delays of their respective home countries. Even when looking at the Russian President, such a statement could work if one only wants to understand his unbroken popularity within one’s own national borders. The growingHowever, such national developmental delays do not explain the supporter of this political leader in Western democracies.

Misinterpretations of political election results in established democracies

There are numerous explanations for the election of a specific candidate as President of the United States of America, three of which are certainly unsustainable. It is wrong to assume that the country lacks a democratic tradition, it is an economic emerging country with a completely on the ground economy or North America is real with afaced massive refugee crisis. Similar misjudgments apply to France, which is traditionally considered the motherland of democracy. Certainly the problems of this country are not small, as it suffers from overly centralized and encrusted structures in business, politics and society. In addition, there are huge national debt, the second highest state quota inthe European Union and industrial production at the level of the year nineteen ninety-three.

France’s economic strength in contrast to political upheavals

Nevertheless, France is undisputedly the sixth largest export nation in the world and its chemical and pharmaceutical industries play an absolute top priority globally. French companies are applying almost as many patents in the field of cutting-edge technology as German companies, and the Gauls even have a world market share of twenty-seven percent for luxury goods. Also designedthe demographic development of the southern neighbor is much more favorable than in one’s own country. Incidentally, France has very few problems with current migrants, but rather fights with an almost completely failed integration of the immigrants from their own former colonies. If a particular political representative is currently with more than half a leg in the Presidential Palacestands, one will not be able to explain this alone with acute crises as the electoral success of a right-wing populist politician in the Netherlands.

The complex causes of social dissatisfaction

The financial crisis, the banking crisis, the euro crisis and the Greek crisis in Germany once marked the beginning of withdrawal movements away from the established political parties in the bourgeois spectrum. Zero interest and the creeping devaluation of savings understandably make people with four to five-digit reserves more nervous than those at domestic financial institutionsbounced accounts abroad. Stagnating incomes and growing employment insecurity in large parts of the middle class are probably already much closer to the truth when looking for the cause. Although there is also great interpretation of leeway between hard statistical figures and their individual interpretation in this area. permanent unemployment, permanently precariousLiving conditions and child poverty at the lower end of the income pyramid certainly provide further building blocks of the overall picture, but by no means the entire picture.

The risk of simplistic solutions in complex times

Unfortunately, many supposed answers to such profound problems in the public debate sound easier and more tempting than they can in reality. While the first ones wish again that it would finally have to bang and someone with a strong hand had to clean up, the real problems unfortunately only became more complex. These challenges disappear all the moreLess, the louder the political scream for simple solutions gets. There is an urgent need to name the actual structural deficits instead of losing themselves in nostalgia according to authoritarian order.

The true nature of migration movements and social symptoms

With regard to the topic of the refugees, it must first be stated that migration movements have taken place again and again in the course of human history and will continue to take place again and again in the future. It is crucial to understand that migration is always a symptom of existing social problems and upheavals, but neverThe real cause of these grievances is. In a world of totally globalized flows of financial and goods, in which one can view their negative and positive consequences thanks to digitization down to the last corners of the world, one should not be surprised if people also move at some point. The solutions to these complex problems are always complex andrequire long-term strategies that then have little to do with the immigrants themselves and much more with the conditions in their countries of origin and in immigration societies. If these specific problems were considered to be the priority, then the focus of these explanations would have shifted fundamentally, rather than the reorganization of ourfocus on tax, social and financial systems.